{"id":40802236062,"date":"2011-12-18T16:56:00","date_gmt":"2011-12-18T21:56:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/2011\/12\/18\/nj-congressional-redistricting-speculation\/"},"modified":"2021-01-25T11:22:05","modified_gmt":"2021-01-25T16:22:05","slug":"nj-congressional-redistricting-speculation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/2011\/12\/18\/nj-congressional-redistricting-speculation\/","title":{"rendered":"NJ Congressional Redistricting Speculation"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>So here we go again.\u00a0 Another New Jersey redistricting commission will sequester itself in New Brunswick\u2019s Heldrich Hotel.\u00a0 This time, Congress is up for grabs.\u00a0 What will happen?\u00a0 Who knows?\u00a0 But we can speculate.<\/p>\n<p>The outcome of Congressional redistricting is much harder to predict than this year\u2019s legislative process.\u00a0 For one, the New Jersey Constitution has a number of standards that limit how the legislative lines can be drawn (e.g. keeping municipalities whole), whereas it offers absolutely no guidance on the Congressional map.\u00a0 Also, this year\u2019s legislative tie-breaker, Alan Rosenthal, showed his hand early in the process, laying out a series of standards that pretty much locked him into choosing the Democratic map.\u00a0 The Congressional tie-breaker, John Farmer, has avoided making any public pronouncements of the standards he will use.<\/p>\n<p>The process begins with the commission\u2019s Democratic and Republican teams each presenting a map for Farmer\u2019s consideration.\u00a0 It is certain that these initial maps will show 7-5 splits, 7 districts that favor their party and 5 that favor the other party.\u00a0 Surprise, surprise!<\/p>\n<p>Both sides will justify their maps under the guise of partisan \u201cfairness.\u201d\u00a0 This is the principle that the distribution of Congressional districts should match the partisan inclinations of the statewide electorate.\u00a0 Of course, this also means is that none of the districts should be competitive (which is basically what happened during the 2001 process).<\/p>\n<p>In other words, the Democrats will argue that the state leans more Democratic, so they should have more districts.\u00a0 The Republicans will do the same for their side.\u00a0 Regardless of whose analysis is wrong or right, the fairness doctrine as a primary consideration lacks merit, because frankly it matters very little to New Jersey\u2019s influence in Congress.\u00a0 How exactly does it help the state if one extra Representative (out of 435 total) belongs to one party or the other?<\/p>\n<p>Indeed, it could be argued that a 6-6 split actually gives our state its best chance at having influence.\u00a0 Given the number of times control of the House has changed hands over the past few years, always having 6 members in the majority actually increases our chances of placing members high on the Congressional power list.<\/p>\n<p>At any rate, Dean Farmer has indicated that he may be unwilling to entertain the fairness argument as an opening salvo.\u00a0 He has publicly stated that the bulk of New Jersey voters are independent.\u00a0 To be clear, this shows a misunderstanding of New Jersey\u2019s electorate and how our lack of electoral competition discourages partisan voter registration.\u00a0\u00a0 However, I agree with what appears to be the underlying reason he has made these comments \u2013 the \u201cfairness\u201d doctrine simply should not be the primary consideration when redrawing New Jersey\u2019s Congressional districts.<\/p>\n<p>I have already laid out <a href=\"http:\/\/www.politickernj.com\/patrick-murray\/51125\/new-jersey-congressional-redistricting-considerations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">my general views on the matter<\/a>, both in print and in testimony to the Commission.\u00a0 New Jersey as a state has one of the least compact (i.e. most gerrymandered) Congressional maps.\u00a0 In fact, New Jersey\u2019s 6<sup>th<\/sup> District is considered one of the top ten offenders in the country.\u00a0 Until we fix this lack of compactness and the consequent splitting of communities of interest, the people in each district will lack effective representation, regardless of \u201cpartisan fairness.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>For the sake of the state as a whole, I would like to see a map that does the following (these are general guidelines):<\/p>\n<ul type=\"disc\">\n<li>Move District 1 slightly south to pick up more of Gloucester County and swing District 2 a little north to take in the parts of southern Ocean County that are in the Philadelphia media market.<\/li>\n<li>Make District 3 primarily Burlington with bits of western Camden and southern Mercer so that it is almost entirely in the Philly media market.<\/li>\n<li>Slide District 4 east so that it is a northern Ocean\/eastern Monmouth district.<\/li>\n<li>Consolidate District 6 into mostly northwest Monmouth and Middlesex.<\/li>\n<li>Consolidate District 12 into Mercer and southern Middlesex\/Somerset.<\/li>\n<li>Make District 7 mainly a Hunterdon\/Warren\/Sussex district and expand District 11 north.<\/li>\n<li>Expand District 10 into Union and make District 13 more contiguous by adding a little more of Hudson, Elizabeth and Newark.<\/li>\n<li>Expand District 8 east, which basically means that the northern part of District 9 and the eastern part of District 5 would be combined.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>I think these general guidelines would go a long way to increasing the representativeness and responsiveness of our Congressional delegation.<\/p>\n<p>Now, I certainly don\u2019t know whether any of this is in line with Farmer\u2019s thinking.\u00a0 A cloak of secrecy has been maintained over the entire process.\u00a0 But from his few public statements, I think it is unlikely that Farmer will approve a map that give either side an easy majority in the delegation.\u00a0 Furthermore, I think his preference for reducing New Jersey\u2019s delegation from 13 to the required 12 will be to force a Democrat v. Republican \u201cfair fight\u201d rather than an intraparty face-off.\u00a0 Finally, I think he will seek a map that reduces the likelihood that any of the state\u2019s most influential members from either party will be significantly threatened.<\/p>\n<p>To start with, Donald Payne (D-10) is safe under the Voting Rights Act \u2013 you can\u2019t break up a district where a minority group comprises a majority of the voting age population.\u00a0 Albio Sires (D-13) is also safe.\u00a0 While his seat does not technically meet the threshold of being majority-Hispanic in voting age population, it is in total population.\u00a0 It would be politically untenable to alter his district significantly.<\/p>\n<p>The southern seats (Districts 1 through 4) are also safe, because they all have to march north.\u00a0 It should be noted, though, that under my preferred scenario above, Jon Runyan (R-3) could find himself in a more competitive district.<\/p>\n<p>Farmer is unlikely to be amenable to a map that significantly harms Frank Pallone (D-6) or Rush Holt (D-12) because they are likely to have influence in leadership if the Democrats regain control of the House in the near future.<\/p>\n<p>On the Republican side, influence is less clear.\u00a0 Chris Smith (R-4) is the most senior member of New Jersey\u2019s delegation, although he has had some conflicts with his leadership.\u00a0 Rodney Frelinghuysen (R-11) also has longevity (both personally and in his family\u2019s roots to the earliest governance of the American Republic) \u2013 so while he may not be the most influential member he is likely safe.<\/p>\n<p>Leonard Lance (R-7) is a relative newcomer, serving only his second term.\u00a0 While this may make him vulnerable in terms of seniority, he is seen as having potential for future leadership in his party.\u00a0 Furthermore, putting him at risk would mean pitting him against Holt or Pallone (see above).\u00a0 So Lance is likely safe.<\/p>\n<p>This leaves Scott Garrett (R-5), Bill Pascrell (D-8) and Steve Rothman (D-9).\u00a0 Garrett was first elected in 2002 and is a darling of the Tea Party wing of his party.\u00a0 This means he has no allies at the table in the redistricting process.<\/p>\n<p>Pascrell and Rothman were first elected in 1996.\u00a0 That actually gives them slightly more seniority than Rush Holt.\u00a0 However, neither appears to have the same level of influence that Holt does.\u00a0 Rothman did garner attention by being the first major Garden State politico to back Barack Obama in 2008, but this doesn\u2019t seem to have paid any influence dividends.\u00a0 My sense is that Pascrell may have more friends at the table than Rothman does.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, I see a mash-up of districts 5 and 9 as the most likely outcome of this process (although it\u2019s hard to say right now if that would end up being a lean-Democrat or lean-Republican district).<\/p>\n<p>Of course, I could be wrong.\u00a0 But we won\u2019t know that until white smoke emerges from the Heldrich.\u00a0 In the meantime, all we can do is speculate.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>So here we go again.\u00a0 Another New Jersey redistricting commission will sequester itself in New Brunswick\u2019s Heldrich Hotel.\u00a0 This time, Congress is up for grabs.\u00a0 What will happen?\u00a0 Who knows?\u00a0 But we can speculate. The outcome of Congressional redistricting is much harder to predict than this year\u2019s legislative process.\u00a0 For one, the New Jersey Constitution [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":939,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-40802236062","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/40802236062","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/939"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=40802236062"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/40802236062\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":40802244245,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/40802236062\/revisions\/40802244245"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=40802236062"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=40802236062"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=40802236062"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}