{"id":40802255602,"date":"2023-07-20T11:00:00","date_gmt":"2023-07-20T15:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/?post_type=poll&p=40802255602"},"modified":"2024-03-27T16:25:12","modified_gmt":"2024-03-27T20:25:12","slug":"monmouthpoll_us_072023","status":"publish","type":"poll","link":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/reports\/monmouthpoll_us_072023\/","title":{"rendered":"Difficult Path For 2024 Third-Party Bid"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

West Long Branch, NJ<\/em> \u2013 In a contest between President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump, more voters say they won\u2019t vote for either candidate than say they will. This does not mean, however, that the American electorate is on board with a third-party presidential ticket in 2024. The Monmouth <\/em><\/strong>(<\/em><\/strong>\u201cMon-muth\u201d<\/em><\/strong>) <\/em><\/strong>University Poll<\/em><\/strong> finds support for an alternative drops when the premise moves from a generic bipartisan ticket to one where actual candidates are named. The presence of a third party in the race would siphon votes from both major party nominees, but it is not apparent it would play the role of a spoiler, at least in a hypothetical situation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a Biden-Trump rematch, just under half of registered voters say they will either definitely (36%) or probably (11%) vote for the Democratic incumbent and 4 in 10 will definitely (26%) or probably (14%) support the Republican. Majorities, though, say they will not vote for either Biden (46% definitely not and 6% probably not) or Trump (50% definitely not and 8% probably not). These results are statistically similar to poll results from two months ago.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Chart<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Electoral support for both candidates runs a few points higher than their underlying favorability ratings. Specifically, 47% of American voters are likely to vote for Biden while 43% have a favorable opinion of him, and 40% are likely to vote for Trump while 36% have a favorable opinion of him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIn a replay of the 2020 election, some voters clearly feel they have to back a candidate they don\u2019t really like. That suggests there may be an opening for a third party in 2024, but when you drill down further, there doesn\u2019t seem to be enough defectors to make that a viable option,\u201d said Patrick Murray, director of the independent Monmouth University Polling Institute.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At this point, 3 in 10 Americans say they would entertain voting for a third-party \u201cfusion\u201d ticket comprised of a Democrat and a Republican. Just 5% say they would definitely vote for this option if Biden and Trump are the major party nominees and another 25% say they would probably vote third party. At the other end of the spectrum, 31% say they definitely would not support a fusion ticket and 34% probably would not.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Chart<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Support for a third-party ticket drops even lower when names of possible candidates are introduced into the equation. The No Labels group has been pursuing ballot access and unveiled a policy statement this week at an event headlined by Democratic West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin and Republican former Utah Governor Jon Huntsman. Monmouth tested Manchin and Huntsman as an alternative ticket in a Biden-Trump race and found that only 2% of voters would definitely vote for this specific third-party option and just 14% would probably vote for them. Moreover, 44% definitely would not vote for a Manchin-Huntsman ticket and 31% probably would not. It does not appear to matter whether Manchin or Huntsman tops the ticket. Versions of this question that flipped the two names in the presidential and vice presidential slots got nearly identical support levels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe are still very much in the realm of hypotheticals, where voters\u2019 assessment of their actual behavior can be unreliable. However, the more concrete you make an alternative to the major party candidates, the less attractive it becomes. A third-party nominee needs to capture voters\u2019 imagination to be successful. It is not clear that such a charismatic figure exists right now,\u201d said Murray.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The potential effect of a so-called fusion ticket on the election\u2019s outcome is difficult to gauge until candidates are chosen. On the surface it seems like Republican voters are more inclined to vote for such a ticket (25% for a generic ticket and 15% for Manchin\/Huntsman specifically) than Democrats are (18% for a generic ticket and 8% for Manchin\/Huntsman). However, when the individual poll questions about potential support for Biden, Trump and a third-party ticket are combined, the overall effect appears to be a wash. When a generic bipartisan ticket is offered as an alternative, Biden\u2019s support drops from 47% to 37% and Trump\u2019s support falls from 40% to 28%. With a Manchin\/Huntsman ticket as the alternative, Biden\u2019s support drops from 47% to 40% and Trump\u2019s support falls from 40% to 34%. Interestingly, among the 13% of voters who say they will vote for neither Trump nor Biden, most say they will vote for a generic third-party ticket (9% move from neither to the third party), but that support largely disappears when the ticket is specifically named as Manchin and Huntsman (only 4% move from neither to the third party).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"2024<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The poll also asked hypothetical questions about what voters would do if they thought a third-party ticket could be a spoiler. In the case where voting for a third party could lead to the election of Biden, 39% say they would vote for Biden, 37% would vote for Trump, and 20% would vote for the third-party ticket. In the case where voting for a third party could lead to the election of Trump, 43% would vote for Biden, 33% would vote for Trump, and 20% would vote for the third-party ticket.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe expectation that a third-party run could tip the scales toward Biden might produce a tighter contest than when the spoiler effect is seen to help Trump. Again, these are hypotheticals. It\u2019s impossible to predict the impact of a third-party challenge until an actual campaign is underway, when the media\u2019s framing of it will play an important role,\u201d said Murray.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One argument put forward on the viability of a third-party ticket is the fact that majorities of the American electorate have an unfavorable opinion of the Republican (56%) and Democratic (55%) parties. However, only 17% hold a negative view of both parties simultaneously \u2013 and half of that number actually identify a party they dislike more than the other.  In total, 43% prefer the Democratic Party, including 39% have a favorable opinion of it coupled with an unfavorable opinion of the Republicans along with 4% who have an unfavorable view of both parties but dislike the GOP more. Likewise, 42% prefer the Republican Party, including 37% with a favorable opinion of just that party and 5% who have an unfavorable view of both parties but dislike the Democrats more.  Another 8% dislike both parties equally while 6% have a favorable opinion of both parties.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWhat voters say they want in an ideal world<\/a> and how they actually act in a distrustful hyper-partisan environment<\/a> are two very different things. When partisanship, particularly a negative view of the opposite party, drives voters\u2019 decision-making, any third-party effort starts with a low ceiling for support,\u201d said Murray.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An important caveat in these poll findings on a potential spoiler effect is that we are not looking at likely voters. However, it is worth noting that younger voters \u2013 i.e., those who are less likely to turn out \u2013 are more likely to entertain voting for a third party than older, more reliable, voters. Also, the poll suggests there is stronger support for Biden than Trump currently, but that could change in the fall if both men become their respective party\u2019s nominees. The impact of a third-party ticket as a spoiler could be more significant in a tight race, especially in states crucial to the Electoral College count.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Monmouth University Poll<\/em> was conducted by telephone from July 12 to 17, 2023 with 910 adults in the United States. The question results in this release are based on 840 registered voters and have a margin of error +\/- 4.9 percentage points. The poll was conducted by the Monmouth University Polling Institute in West Long Branch, NJ.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

QUESTIONS AND RESULTS     <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

(* Some columns may not add to 100% due to rounding.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[Q1-10 previously<\/em> released.<\/em>]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[QUESTIONS 11 & 12 WERE ROTATED<\/em>]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

11.<\/span>Is your general impression of the Republican Party very favorable, somewhat favorable, somewhat unfavorable, or very unfavorable?<\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Very favorable<\/td>9%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat favorable<\/td>34%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat unfavorable<\/td>17%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Very unfavorable<\/td>39%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) No opinion<\/td>1%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
 (n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

12.<\/span>Is your general impression of the Democratic Party very favorable, somewhat favorable, somewhat unfavorable, or very unfavorable?<\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Very favorable<\/td>16%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat favorable<\/td>29%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat unfavorable<\/td>17%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Very unfavorable<\/td>38%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) No opinion<\/td>0%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
 (n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

[The following question was asked of people who have an unfavorable impression of BOTH parties.] <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

13.<\/span>When you think about it, do you dislike one of these parties more than the other, or do you really dislike both parties equally? [If DISLIKE ONE PARTY MORE:<\/em> Which party do you dislike more \u2013 the Republicans or the Democrats?] [CHOICES WERE ROTATED<\/em>]
TABLE PRESENTS THE RESULTS COMBINED WITH PARTY FAVORABLES from Q11-12.<\/em><\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Favorable both parties<\/td>6%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Favorable Republican Party only<\/td>37%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Favorable Democratic Party only<\/td>39%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Unfavorable both, dislike Rep. more<\/td>4%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Unfavorable both, dislike Dem. more<\/td>5%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Unfavorable both, dislike equally<\/td>8%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

[QUESTIONS 14 & 15 WERE ROTATED<\/em>]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

14.<\/span>Is your general impression of Donald Trump very favorable, somewhat favorable, somewhat unfavorable, or very unfavorable?<\/span><\/h3>\n
Trend: Registered Voters<\/em><\/th>
July
2023<\/strong><\/th>
Aug.
2022<\/th>
Nov.
2020<\/th>		Late
Sept.
2020<\/th>		Early
Sept.
2020<\/th>
Aug.
2020<\/th>		Late
June
2020<\/th>		Early
 June
2020<\/th>
May
2020<\/th>
April
2020<\/th>
March
2020<\/th>
Feb.
2020<\/th>
Jan.
2020<\/th>
Dec.
2019<\/th>
Nov.
2019<\/th>
Sept.
2019<\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Very favorable<\/td>15%<\/strong><\/td>22%<\/td>25%<\/td>27%<\/td>26%<\/td>23%<\/td>22%<\/td>26%<\/td>24%<\/td>24%<\/td>29%<\/td>35%<\/td>35%<\/td>33%<\/td>34%<\/td>30%<\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat favorable<\/td>21%<\/strong><\/td>20%<\/td>16%<\/td>15%<\/td>14%<\/td>17%<\/td>16%<\/td>12%<\/td>16%<\/td>18%<\/td>17%<\/td>9%<\/td>8%<\/td>13%<\/td>10%<\/td>13%<\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat unfavorable<\/td>13%<\/strong><\/td>9%<\/td>7%<\/td>7%<\/td>7%<\/td>8%<\/td>9%<\/td>9%<\/td>9%<\/td>7%<\/td>7%<\/td>6%<\/td>4%<\/td>5%<\/td>4%<\/td>6%<\/td><\/tr>
Very unfavorable<\/td>50%<\/strong><\/td>40%<\/td>42%<\/td>44%<\/td>46%<\/td>46%<\/td>46%<\/td>48%<\/td>44%<\/td>43%<\/td>42%<\/td>47%<\/td>51%<\/td>47%<\/td>50%<\/td>50%<\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) No opinion *<\/td>1%<\/strong><\/td>9%<\/td>10%<\/td>7%<\/td>6%<\/td>7%<\/td>7%<\/td>5%<\/td>7%<\/td>7%<\/td>5%<\/td>3%<\/td>2%<\/td>2%<\/td>2%<\/td>3%<\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td>(751)<\/em><\/td>(749)<\/em><\/td>(809)<\/em><\/td>(758)<\/em><\/td>(785)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(733)<\/em><\/td>(742)<\/em><\/td>(739)<\/em><\/td>(743)<\/em><\/td>(754)<\/em><\/td>(827)<\/em><\/td>(847)<\/em><\/td>(838)<\/em><\/td>(835)<\/em><\/td>(1,017)<\/em><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table>
*Prior polls included an explicit \u201cno opinion\u201d option in the question.<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

15.<\/span>Is your general impression of Joe Biden very favorable, somewhat favorable, somewhat unfavorable, or very unfavorable?<\/span><\/h3>\n
Trend: Registered Voters<\/em><\/th>
July
2023<\/strong><\/th>
Nov.
2020<\/th>		Late
Sept.
2020<\/th>		Early
Sept.
2020<\/th>
Aug.
2020<\/th>		Late
June
2020<\/th>		Early
June
2020<\/th>
May
2020<\/th>
April
2020<\/th>
March
2020<\/th>
Feb.
2020<\/th>
Jan.
2020<\/th>
Dec.
2019<\/th>
Nov.
2019<\/th>
Sept.
2019<\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Very favorable<\/td>18%<\/strong><\/td>22%<\/td>25%<\/td>26%<\/td>17%<\/td>16%<\/td>15%<\/td>15%<\/td>15%<\/td>18%<\/td>16%<\/td>19%<\/td>18%<\/td>18%<\/td>20%<\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat favorable<\/td>25%<\/strong><\/td>22%<\/td>22%<\/td>21%<\/td>25%<\/td>28%<\/td>27%<\/td>26%<\/td>26%<\/td>25%<\/td>24%<\/td>23%<\/td>25%<\/td>25%<\/td>26%<\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat unfavorable<\/td>13%<\/strong><\/td>15%<\/td>10%<\/td>9%<\/td>14%<\/td>13%<\/td>18%<\/td>16%<\/td>17%<\/td>17%<\/td>17%<\/td>16%<\/td>16%<\/td>17%<\/td>18%<\/td><\/tr>
Very unfavorable<\/td>44%<\/strong><\/td>31%<\/td>36%<\/td>35%<\/td>33%<\/td>31%<\/td>31%<\/td>28%<\/td>25%<\/td>26%<\/td>36%<\/td>33%<\/td>34%<\/td>33%<\/td>27%<\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) No opinion *<\/td>0%<\/strong><\/td>11%<\/td>7%<\/td>9%<\/td>12%<\/td>12%<\/td>9%<\/td>16%<\/td>17%<\/td>13%<\/td>8%<\/td>8%<\/td>7%<\/td>7%<\/td>9%<\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td>(749)<\/em><\/td>(809)<\/em><\/td>(758)<\/em><\/td>(785)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(733)<\/em><\/td>(742)<\/em><\/td>(739)<\/em><\/td>(743)<\/em><\/td>(754)<\/em><\/td>(827)<\/em><\/td>(847)<\/em><\/td>(838)<\/em><\/td>(835)<\/em><\/td>(1,017)<\/em><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table>
*Prior polls included an explicit \u201cno opinion\u201d option in the question.<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

[QUESTIONS 16 & 17 WERE ROTATED<\/em>]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Looking ahead to next year\u2019s presidential election, imagine the Democratic nominee is Joe Biden and the Republican nominee is Donald Trump. In this scenario\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

16.<\/span>How likely are you to vote for Donald Trump \u2013 will you definitely vote for him, probably vote for him, probably not vote for him, or definitely not vote for him?<\/span><\/h3>\n
 Trend: Registered Voters<\/em><\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th>		May
2023<\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Definitely<\/td>26%<\/strong><\/td>29%<\/td><\/tr>
Probably<\/td>14%<\/strong><\/td>12%<\/td><\/tr>
Probably not<\/td>8%<\/strong><\/td>8%<\/td><\/tr>
Definitely not<\/td>50%<\/strong><\/td>46%<\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) Don\u2019t Know<\/td>1%<\/strong><\/td>4%<\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/em><\/strong><\/td>(907)<\/em><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

17.<\/span>How likely are you to vote for Joe Biden \u2013 will you definitely vote for him, probably vote for him, probably not vote for him, or definitely not vote for him?<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n
Trend: Registered Voters<\/em><\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th>		May
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Definitely<\/td>36%<\/strong><\/td>32%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Probably<\/td>11%<\/strong><\/td>13%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Probably not<\/td>6%<\/strong><\/td>7%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Definitely not<\/td>46%<\/strong><\/td>45%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) Don\u2019t Know<\/td>1%<\/strong><\/td>3%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td>(907)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

18.<\/span>If Trump and Biden are the major party nominees, how likely would you be to vote for a third-party fusion ticket that included a [Democrat] and a [Republican] for president and vice president \u2013 would you definitely vote for the third-party ticket, probably vote for them, probably not vote for them, or definitely not vote for them? [PARTIES WERE ROTATED<\/em>]<\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Definitely<\/td>5%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Probably<\/td>25%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Probably not<\/td>34%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Definitely not<\/td>31%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) Don\u2019t Know<\/td>5%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

19.<\/span>What is the possibility that a third-party fusion ticket could actually get elected in 2024 \u2013 is it very possible, somewhat possible, not too possible, or not at all possible?<\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Very possible<\/td>5%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Somewhat possible<\/td>23%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Not too possible<\/td>31%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Not at all possible<\/td>39%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) Don\u2019t Know<\/td>2%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

20.<\/span>If the third-party fusion ticket was comprised of [Democratic West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin] for president and [Republican former Utah Governor Jon Huntsman] for vice president \u2013 would you definitely vote for the third-party ticket, probably vote for them, probably not vote for them, or definitely not vote for them?\u00a0 [NAMES WERE ROTATED FOR HALF THE SAMPLE]<\/em><\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong>
Combined<\/em><\/strong><\/th>
Manchin President\/ <\/em>
Huntsman VP<\/em><\/th>
Huntsman President\/ <\/em>
Manchin VP<\/em><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Definitely<\/td>2%<\/strong><\/td>2%<\/em><\/td>2%<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
Probably<\/td>14%<\/strong><\/td>13%<\/em><\/td>16%<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
Probably not<\/td>31%<\/strong><\/td>32%<\/em><\/td>31%<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
Definitely not<\/td>44%<\/strong><\/td>44%<\/em><\/td>45%<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) Don\u2019t Know<\/td>8%<\/strong><\/td>8%<\/em><\/td>7%<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td>(418)<\/em><\/td>(422)<\/em><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

[QUESTIONS 21 & 22 WERE ROTATED<\/em>]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

21.<\/span>If you thought that voting for a third-party ticket could lead to the election of Donald Trump, would you vote for Trump, Joe Biden, or the third-party ticket?<\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Trump<\/td>33%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Biden<\/td>43%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Third party<\/td>20%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) Don\u2019t Know<\/td>4%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

22.<\/span>If you thought that voting for a third-party ticket could lead to the election of Joe Biden, would you vote for Biden, Donald Trump, or the third-party ticket?<\/span><\/h3>\n
Registered Voters<\/th>July
2023<\/strong><\/th><\/tr><\/thead>
Biden<\/td>39%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Trump<\/td>37%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Third party<\/td>20%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(VOL) Don\u2019t Know<\/td>5%<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
(n)<\/em><\/em><\/td>(840)<\/em><\/strong><\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

[Q23-34 held<\/em> for future release.<\/em>]<\/p>\n\n\n

Methodology <\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n

The Monmouth University Poll<\/em> was sponsored and conducted by the Monmouth University Polling Institute from July 12 to 17, 2023 with a probability-based national random sample of 910 adults age 18 and older. Interviews were conducted in English, and included 319 live landline telephone interviews, 480 live cell phone interviews, and 111 online surveys via a cell phone text invitation. Telephone numbers were selected through a mix of random digit dialing and list-based sampling. Landline respondents were selected with a modified Troldahl-Carter youngest adult household screen. Interviewing services were provided by Braun Research, with sample obtained from Dynata (RDD, n= 569), Aristotle (list, n= 136) and a panel of prior Monmouth poll participants (n= 205). Monmouth is responsible for all aspects of the survey design, data weighting and analysis. The full sample is weighted for region, age, education, gender and race based on US Census information (ACS 2021 one-year survey). The results in this poll release are based on a subsample of 840 registered voters. For results based on the sample of registered voters, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling has a maximum margin of plus or minus 4.9 percentage points adjusted for sample design effects (1.44). Sampling error can be larger for sub-groups (see table below). In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.<\/p>\n\n\n\n


REGISTERED VOTERS<\/em> DEMOGRAPHICS (weighted)<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
Self-Reported<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
27% Republican<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
43% Independent<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
31% Democrat<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
 <\/em><\/td><\/tr>
48% Male<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
52% Female<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
 <\/em><\/td><\/tr>
26% 18-34<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
34% 35-54<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
40% 55+<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
 <\/em><\/td><\/tr>
64% White<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
11% Black<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
15% Hispanic<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
  9% Asian\/Other<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
 <\/em><\/td><\/tr>
65% No degree<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
35% 4 year degree<\/em><\/td><\/tr>
<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Click on pdf file link below for full methodology and crosstabs by key demographic groups.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Named ticket gets less support than generic one<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":40802255610,"template":"","geography":[18],"class_list":["post-40802255602","poll","type-poll","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","geography-national"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/poll\/40802255602","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/poll"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/poll"}],"version-history":[{"count":14,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/poll\/40802255602\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":40802257550,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/poll\/40802255602\/revisions\/40802257550"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/40802255610"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=40802255602"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"geography","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.monmouth.edu\/polling-institute\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/geography?post=40802255602"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}